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This paper analyzes sandhi phenomena in European Portuguese in which coda consonants in word-final position are resyllabified to become onsets in two ways: by epenthesis when they occur at utterance boundaries (excluding /ʃ/), and by associating with following onsetless words (within the same utterance). I present an Optimality Theoretic account for why this resyllabification occurs, which includes a constraint against assigning moras to consonants (*Cμ), and a constraint against having codasdoi:10.11575/prism/28991 fatcat:66wibmwi6jct3d6mzwx2ixqhmq