On "sluicing" with apparent massive pied-piping

Klaus Abels
2018 Natural language & linguistic theory  
This paper provides the first detailed description of a type of elliptical whquestion first noted in a footnote in Ross's seminal paper on sluicing. Under certain, very restricted circumstances, sluicing appears to be able to tolerate wh-phrases with massive pied-piping. I propose to analyze this pattern in terms of (recursive) contrastive left-dislocation accompanied by clausal ellipsis. While it has long been known that contrastive left-dislocation can be recursive, the particular ellipsis
more » ... tern observed here has not been described in detail before. The proposed analysis capitalizes on the striking distributional similarities between the apparent sluicing pattern and the pattern of clausal ellipsis with contrastive left-dislocation. At a theoretical level, the paper provides a defense of wh-move-and-delete approaches to sluicing by removing Ross's nagging counterexample to the generalization that only wh-movable constituents can be sluicing remnants. Keywords Ellipsis · Sluicing · In-situ theory of ellipsis · Contrastive left-dislocation · German · English · Move-and-delete theory of ellipsis B K. Abels e. He has a picture of somebody, but who I don't know. f. He has a picture of somebody, but who he has a picture of I don't know. g. He has a picture of somebody, but I don't know who. h. He has a picture of somebody, but I don't know who he has a picture of. The pattern can be summarized as follows: When an indirect question appears in its canonical position ((1c), (1d), (1g), and (1h)), massive pied-piping in the sense of Heck (2008) and Cable (2010) is prohibited independently of ellipsis. However, when the question is fronted, the pied-piping behavior of full and elliptical questions becomes dissociated; elliptical questions now allow (1a) but full questions still disallow (1b) massive pied-piping. These facts are schematized in (2). dreas Haida-Sorry, Andreas! The semantics disappeared from this version-and two anonymous NLLT reviewers for their useful comments that helped me clarify many points and forced me to think more carefully about a number of issues. I am indebted to the participants of my courses on ellipsis at the HUJI/TAU Winter School in Syntax (Jerusalem) and of my advanced syntax course at UCL for useful discussion. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the audiences in Leipzig, London, Alcalá, Trondheim, and Chicago for their interest, questions, and comments. Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
doi:10.1007/s11049-018-9432-1 fatcat:thnwqof6wzgfvhwkhv6hneimjq