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We present the preliminary results of an investigation on complementizers and their interaction with propositional attitude verbs in Medumba (Grassfields Bantu, Niger-Congo). This initial sketch of the Medumba C-system opens up questions about the syntactic distribution and semantic force of the various Cs. There are two clause-initial Cs, /mbʉ/ and /ndà/, of which /mbʉ/ has three syntactically conditioned allomorphs: [mbʉ̀ ]-L, [mbʉ́ ʉ̀ ]-HL and [mbʉ̀ ʉ́ ]-LH. The clause-final [lá]doi:10.5281/zenodo.6393749 fatcat:n6cuwi3l3jei7eaqiucxf7zaqm