Critique and Praxis can be read as a remarkable intellectual history of critical theory in the broadest sense, which demonstrates a highly sophisticated, original understanding of its concepts and methods, its historical, social and political contexts, as well as its unquestioned assumptions and limitations. Harcourt's scholarship and depth of thought are impressive. But Critique & Praxis is much more than that. It is a genuine intervention within, and a major contribution to, the field of

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... cal theory, which Harcourt understands as a constantly renewed demand or exigency, at once theoretical and practical. Throughout, Harcourt insists on the necessary unity between the critical concepts and models he analyzes or constructs, and his own, multi-faceted praxis. This unity is itself a function of the feedback, transformative effects that theory and praxis produce on one another. This means that critique-its objects, concepts and practices-is never fixed in advance or set in stone. It is best described as a dynamic or process, one that is always responding to a specific situation, an evolving set of circumstances requiring tailored concepts and practices. His relation to the plethora of critical thinkers he draws on and engages with is driven by the (Foucauldian) idea that bodies of thought are conceptual toolboxes, which one should use (or not), and contribute to, but not criticise or polemicise with. The version of critical theory Harcourt offers us is pragmatic and open-ended. Finally, Critique & Praxis is a philosophical credo, a political call to arms, an autobiography in the sense Du Bois uses when he speaks of Dusk of Dawn as an autobiography of a Problem. Harcourt's autobiography is that of a Struggle (or a series of struggles), rooted in a strong political affectivity, and in forms of indignation in particular. His struggles-as a litigator in favor of those condemned to death or wrongfully convicted; representing indigent tenants being evicted or disabled people who are denied benefits; or demonstrating, marching, and occupying-are carried out in the name of social justice, equality, and dignity. They are aimed at the punitive society, and carry an abolitionist agenda: of the death penalty, the prison, the police, racial discrimination and oppression, the free-market economy that generates precarity and inequality, the Counterrevolution, digital surveillance, etc. The struggles in question involve different strategies and tactics which, following Foucault, Harcourt describes as "counterconducts." From the point of view of its method, Critique and Praxis is of course critical. But critique unfolds on three different levels: descriptive (or expository), hermeneutical (or interpretative), and prescriptive. The book describes historical situations and social movements, sometimes at length, as in Chapter 15, where Harcourt discusses a range of leftist strategies and tactics, including Bernie Sanders' "political revolution," Chantal Mouffe's Left Populism, #BlackLivesMatter, BYP100, the recent occupation and assembly movements, Butler's Theory of Assembly, Hardt and Negri's organizational principles for leftist revolt, the history and philosophy of political and civil disobedience (to which Harcourt himself contributed), secession, insurrection, etc., all of which, he claims, are justifiable tactics. Yet, for reasons that I will turn to later, this narrative, expository account of counterconducts is itself a function of Harcourt's conception of critical praxis, which is entirely situation-specific This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.