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... ntent at http://about.jstor.org/participate--jstor/individuals/early-journal--content. JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary source objects. JSTOR helps people discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content through a powerful research and teaching platform, and preserves this content for future generations. JSTOR is part of ITHAKA, a not--for--profit organization that also includes Ithaka S+R and Portico. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. 184 William S. Robertson M. V. H. R. delegates from New Granada and Venezuela had adopted a constitution for "Great Colombia." After the victories of the southern revolutionists guided by their heroic commander, Jose de San Martin, over the royalists at Chacabuco and Maipo, the captaincy general of Chile had been liberated from Spanish rule. On the Pacific plateau, near the equator, Simonn de Bolivar, aided by his indefatigable lieutenant, Antonio Jose de Sucre, was crowning the military achievements of his rival, Jose de San Martin, and thus promoting the independence of Peru. On the banks of the Rio de la Plata the citizens of Buenos Aires were striving to form a government for the United Provinces of la Plata the nucleus of the Argentine nation. But certain sections of the fair viceroyalty of la Plata had not adhered to the revolutionary movement which had been led by the city of Buenos Aires: la Bacnda Oriental del Uruguay was a battleground of contending parties; Paraguay was under the sway of that eccentric despot, Jose de Francia,; while the people of Upper Peru, later Bolivia, had not yet formally declared their independence of Spain. And although Mexico, Colombia, Chile, Peru, and Argentina had begun their national existence, yet in Peru, at least, the royalists were still formidable: the decisive struggle between the royalists and the patriots had not taken place: the battle of Ayacuchothe Armageddon of Spain on the continent of South Americawas not fought until December 9, 1824. At an early stage in the wars for independence the revolutionary governments sent agents to the republic of the north to plead for the recognition of the revolted provinces in Spanish America as independent states. As the government of the United States strove to pursue a neutral policy in the struggle between Spain and her colonies, these agents were not received in their official capacity.' But, from 1810 to 1822, agents were sent from Washington to various sections of South America who were instructed to promote the commercial intercourse between the United States and Spanish America and to make reports concerning the prog-1 The earliest agents sent by the revolted Spanish colonies to the United States are considered in W. S. Pcobertson, "The beginnings of Spanish-American diplomacy," in F. J. Turner, Essays in American history (New York, 1910), 248-262. For later agents see F. L. Paxson, The mndependence of the South-Amnerican republtes (Philadelphia, 1903), 113, 152-157. Vol. II, No. 2 Legations in Latin America 185 ress of the revolutionary movements.2 As early as October, 1817, President Monroe laid before his cabinet certain queries in regard to the recognition of the revolted colo-nies, asking whether the appointment of a minister to a new state should be "considered an acknowledgment of its independence." 3 While the cabinet delayed a decision upon the mooted question of recognition, Henry Clay won the gratitude of some South Americans by eloquently championing the cause of recognition in congress: on March 24, 1818, he proposed an amendment to the general appropriation bill providing that eighteen thousand dollars be appropriated to send a minister to the provinces of the Rio de la Plata, whenever the president should deem this measure expedient.4 In a letter dated August 24, 1818, from John Quincy Adams, the virile secretary of state, to President Monroe, Adams stated succinctly the principle which governed his policy towards the Spanish-American struggles for independence. After declaring that there was a stage in such contests when a neutral state might rightly acknowledge the independence of the revolutionists, the secretary said: "It is the stage when independence is established as a matter of fact so as to leave the chances of the opposite party to recover their dominion utterly desperate. " I In 1822 President Monroe decided that the time had arrived 2 The first commercial agent appointed to Spanish America was Wilham Shaler, who in the summer of 1810, was made "agent for commerce and seamen" at Vera Cruz. (Secretary Smith to Shaler, June 16, 1810, state department manuscripts, bureau of indexes and archives, Despatches to consuls, 1.) There is no evidence to show that Shaler served as agent of the United States in Menco at this time, but his instructions evidently served as a model for those of commercial agents who were sent to other parts of Spanish America, as Robert K. Lowry, who was sent to La Guaira, Venezuela. In regard to the other agents of the United States in Spanish America, see Robertson, " Beginnings of Spanish-American diplomacy, " in Turner, Essays, 250-252, 258-260; and in Franctsco de Mtranda, and the revolutio'vizmng of Spanish As illustrations of the policy of Spain after 1823 may be given "Circular dirigido en 21 de enero de 1825 a los agentes diplomaticos de las cortes aliados en Madrid,"I protesting against the attitude of England towards Spanish America, archivo general de Indias, estado, America en general, 6; "Protesta dirigida A las potencias extrangeras contra el reconocimiento de America en 5 de mayo de 1828," in ibid, 8. See further P. Torres Lanzas, Independenaia de Am6rica (lst ser. -Madrid, 1912), 5: 562, 573. It was not until December 16, 1836, that the Spanish cortes passed a decree which authorized the government to conclude treaties with the states of Spanish America recognizing their independence and renouncing Spain 's right of sovereignty over them. Colecion legbslattva de Espa4ia (Madrid, 1818-1889), 21: 584-585. Vol. II, No.2 Legations in Latin America 187 the principles which he held in common with his allies, would not receive a minister from any of the de facto governments of Spanish America.8 This announcement evoked from Secretary Adams on November 15, 1823, a note to Baron Tuyll, the Russian minister at Washington, in which he justified the action of the United States. Adams declared that in acknowledging the independence of the South American states, the United States was influenced by the considerations which prescribed it as "a duty to independent nations to entertain with each other the friendly relations which sentiments of humanity and their mutual interests" required.9 President Alonroe had indeed apprehended that the action of the United States in regard to the independence of the Spanish-American states might arouse the nations of Europe. In a letter to Jonathan Russell, the chairman of the house committee on foreign relations, on March 12, the president said: "A doubt arises in my mind whether it will be politic to give any distinguished eclat to the recognition until we see its effect on the powers of Europe, who will, I have great cause to presume, be much excited by the measure, from its bearing on legitimacy. . It will merit consideration whether it may not be most advisable to appropriate a gross sum for carrying into effect the proposed missions, enumerating the places, to sanction the recognition to that extent, and leave it to the executive to fix the grade, as in appointments to European Courts. If missions of the first grade are sent to all the places, or to more than AMexico, it may be inferred by foreign powers that our object is to organize these new Governments against the Governments of Europe, and thus do the provinces more harm than good, by organizing Europe against them, if not against ourselves. The object is to serve the provinces essentially by promoting the independence of all, with the establishment of free republican governments and, with 8 W. C. Pord, John Qutncy Adams; hts connectton with the Monroe doctrnne (Cambridge, 1902), 32; "Correspondence of the RuLssian ministers in Washington,I in the Amerscan htstorwcal review, state department manuscripts, bureau of indexes and archives, Notes from Colombian legation, 1. 21 Ibid. 54 L. V. Varela, Htstoria constatucional de la rep0bhca argentina (La Plata, 1910), 3:392. 55 Registro oficzal de la repilbhca argenttna, 2:46. 56 Rodney to Adams, May 22, 1824, state department manuscripts, bureau of indexes and archives, Despatches from Buenos Ayres, 2. On December 23, 1823, General Carlos de Alvear, who had been supreme director of the government at Buenos Aires, was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the United States. (Begistro oficial de la republtca argenttna, 2:48.) He appeared in Washington early in October, 1824; and his credentials, which indicated that he had been appointed largely because of the misslon of Rodney, were filed with the department of state. (M Rodriguez and B. Rivadavia to the president of the United States, January 5, 1824, state department manuscripts, bureau of indexes and archives, Notes from Argentine confederation and Buenos Aires, 1.) It does not appear however that Minister Alvear was presented to President Monroe: he soon left Washington f or South America, having been appointed minister to Colombia. Registro ofical de la rep'blica argenttna, 2:65. 200 William S. Robertson M. V. HEI. R. the talented secretary of foreign affairs for Rodriguez, said that this action of "the great and good" Monroe was "above all praise"; he declared that the recognition of the independence of Buenos Aires by the United States "was the most important event in the history of his country." 57 On January 27, 1823, the senate of the United States also confirmed the appointment of Heman Allen of Vermont as minister plenipotentiary of the United States to Chile.58 Besides his own general and personal instructions, Allen was furnished with copies of the general instructions to Rodney, as well as those to Anderson: these instructions he was to consider as addressed to himself upon any point to which they might be applicable.59 In supplementary instructions to Allen dated November 30, 1823, Adams said, speaking of the objects of the diplomatic missions to Chile and Peru: "These objects are the establishment of the most friendly relations with the people of those Countries, under their new Republican Institutions: the manifestation of a warm and cordial sentiment of favor and sympathy to the cause in which they are engaged, so far as that sentiment can be indulged, consistently with our neutrality, and the firm and fearless support of the rights and lawful interests of the United States and of their citizens. S '60 In April, 1824, Allen arrived at Santiago de Chile. At that time, General Freire, who became supreme director of Chile after the abdication of the revolutionary leader, Bernardo O'Higgins, was absent from the capital, for he had taken command of an expedition which had been sent against the Spaniards in the Chiloe islands. As his substitute, Freire had left 57 "Substance of the address of the mliister to B. Ayres, to the Governor of that Republic with his reply," addressed to James Monroe, Monroe papers, 20, in Library of Congress A description of the reception of Rodney by the government of Buenos Aires, taken from a gazette of that city, is found in the Nattonal Inteltigencer, April 7, 1824. With regard to the attitude of the government of Buenos Aires towards the Monroe doctrine at this time see Robertson, " South America and the Monroe doctrine,'" in Politeal scmence quarterly, 30:98-104. 58 Senate executive journal, 3 325I 327. 59 The general instructions of Adams to Allen, dated November 23, 1823, are found in state department manuscripts, bureau of indexes and archives, Instructions to ministers, 10; extracts from these instructions are printed in Monroe, WritWngs (Hamilton ed.), 6:399-401. 60 State department manuscripts, bureau of indexes and archives, Instructions to ministers, 10